Saturday, September 25, 2010

Sarkozy's Watergate?


Sarkozy Accused of Using Watergate-style Tricks to Muzzle the French Press
By John Lichfield in Paris

'Le Monde' launches legal action against President, claiming he used security services to find insider who leaked information to paper

In a scandal having many parallels with the Watergate affair, President Nicolas Sarkozy was accused by France's most prestigious newspaper yesterday of illegally using the counter-intelligence service to muzzle the press.

Le Monde said that the President's office had deployed France's equivalent of MI5 like a "cabinet noir", or dirty-tricks operation, to uncover the source of leaks in the L'Oréal family feud and political financing scandal. The newspaper said that it had started a legal action against "persons unknown" at the Elysée Palace for breaking a century-old French law which guarantees the secrecy of journalistic sources.

Le Monde said that the French security service, the DCRI, had tracked down a senior figure in the Justice Minister's office as the source of embarrassing leaks to the newspaper in July on the so-called "Bettencourt-Woerth" affair. The official, a long-term aide of the Justice Minister, Michèle Alliot-Marie, had been forced out of his post and sent on a minor legal mission to French Guyana.

The Elysée Palace flatly denied the accusation. It said "the presidency of the Republic has never given the slightest instruction to any (state) service" to investigate leaks in the L'Oréal affair. Other newspapers had already reported, however, that the official, David Sénat, had been punished for leaking witness interviews in the Bettencourt scandal to the press.

Mr Sarkozy's government was also accused yesterday of acting illegally in another great French political soap opera of the summer: the clampdown on Roma immigrants from Eastern Europe. From President Sarkozy's viewpoint, the "Mondegate" saga may prove to be the more damaging of the two.

In a front-page editorial yesterday, Le Monde said that the Elysée had tried to cover its embarrassment in the Bettencourt affair - and to intimidate the press - by misusing the counter-intelligence services whose mission was to "protect the state". Le Monde also said that the Elysée had broken a law protecting press sources which had been strengthened by Mr Sarkozy's government less than a year ago.

The alleged witch-hunt for sources of embarrassing leaks in the Bettencourt affair implies that Mr Sarkozy has been far more rattled by the scandal than he likes to admit. The saga began with a family feud over the alleged abuse of France's wealthiest woman, Liliane Bettencourt, 87, who gave €1bn in cash and art works to a playboy photographer who befriended her.

Secret tapes of her conversations with advisers and the photographer, François-Marie Banier, were handed to the police and leaked to the press in July. The tapes also implied that Ms Bettencourt, the largest shareholder in the cosmetics giant L'Oréal, had been sheltered from possible charges of tax evasion by her links with the Sarkozy government.

It appeared from the tapes that Mr Sarkozy's campaign treasurer in 2007, Eric Woerth - now Employment Minister - had sought campaign donations from Ms Bettencourt. Mr Woerth had also sought a job for his wife.

A former accountant for Ms Bettencourt then told the press, and police, that the billionairess had given illicitly large donations to Mr Woerth for the Sarkozy campaign.

Both President Sarkozy and Mr Woerth rejected the allegations. A preliminary investigation was begun by the public prosecutor for the suburbs west of Paris.

Ms Bettencourt's financial manager, Patrice de Maistre, was interviewed by investigators and contradicted parts of Mr Woerth's story. Details of his confidential testimony appeared on the front page of Le Monde the following day, 15 July.

The leaks so infuriated Mr Sarkozy, Le Monde said yesterday, that the Elysée ordered an investigation by the Direction Centrale du Renseignement Intérieur. This is a new umbrella internal security organisation created by Mr Sarkozy two years ago because, he claimed, its predecessors had become too "politicised".

Sources in the DCRI told Le Monde that they checked the telephone records of all potential leakers inside government until they found the trace of a call from the reporter who wrote the story. The DCRI sources insisted that they had acted as part of their "mission to protect the state".

Opposition politicians said that this was a clear abuse of power. Aurélie Filippetti of the Parti Socialiste said that the misuse of security agencies and the muddling of state interests and personal interests were the hallmarks of the Watergate affair which brought down President Richard Nixon in the 1970s. Ms Filippetti said: "This is a new scandal worthy of Watergate, which we could perhaps call 'Woerthgate'."

Watergate, she might have recalled, was also a battle of wills between a right-wing President and a "liberal" newspaper.

French FBI: Agency at heart of accusations was created by Sarkozy

It is scarcely new for French governments to misuse the security services for political purposes. The accusation is, however, especially damaging for President Sarkozy.

Two years ago, he transformed the landscape of counter-intelligence and internal security in France by ordering a shotgun marriage between two competing agencies.

His official argument was that efficiency demanded a single organisation which would become a "French FBI". His real reason, it was said, was he suspected one or both of the old agencies had been used by his enemy and former mentor, President Jacques Chirac, pictured, to try to wreck his rise to power.

Mr Sarkozy suspected they had played a part in dirty tricks such as leaks about his failing second marriage in 2005 and the Clearstream scandal, an attempt to smear Mr Sarkozy as financially corrupt in 2004. Creating a new agency would, it was suggested, separate counter-intelligence from internal politics.

There were other arguments for reform. The old agencies had long fought each other as fiercely as they fought any of France's presumed enemies.

The Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire was in charge of counter-espionage. The Direction Central des Renseignement Généraux was a more shapeless agency in charge of everything from spying on French "subversives" to running private opinion polls and the control of horse racing.

From 1 July, 2008, the two agencies were merged into the Direction Centrale du Renseignement Intérieur (DCRI) in a new building just north of Paris. The first director of the new agency is Bernard Squarcini, known as a Sarkozy loyalist.

The DCRI's mission is to fight against espionage, subversion, terrorism and "any act which seeks to weaken the authority of the state, national defence or the economic well-being of the nation."

Which one of those categories covers leaking embarrassing information to the press is unclear.

.Sphere: Related Content

Friday, September 24, 2010

Norway's "Greatest Spy Case" Under Review


24 September 2010 - 19H42

Norway's 'Greatest Spy Case' to be Re-examined

AFP - The case of former Norwegian diplomat Arne Treholt, who was sentenced during the Cold War in "Norway's greatest spy case" will be re-opened, a Norwegian judiciary authority said Friday.

The Norwegian Criminal Cases Review Commission decided to re-open Treholt's case after the publication of book called "Forfalskningen" (Counterfeit) in which two journalists charged Norwegian police fabricated evidence against Treholt.

The book's publication at the beginning of September was followed by testimonies in the press casting further doubts on the reliability of parts of the case against the diplomat.

Treholt, then a top official at the Norwegian foreign ministry's press department, was arrested at the Oslo airport in 1984 as he was boarding a plane to Vienna where he was going to meet a Soviet agent.

He was sentenced in 1985 to 20 years in jail for high treason and spying for the USSR and Iraqi intelligence. He was pardoned in 1992.

"It is an important first step in the right direction", said Treholt, 67, at press conference in Oslo following the decision.

Treholt has admitted to have supplied foreign powers with documents, which he said were without importance, in exchange for money, but has always maintained he was not a spy.

When Treholt got out of prison, he went on to live in Russia and Cyprus.

The Treholt affair is widely considered the "greatest spy case" of Norway's contemporary history.

Chief prosecutor Tor-Aksel Busch asked the commission earlier this week to re-examine the case.

It will determine if the new elements published in the book and in the press warrant holding a re-trial.

"If there is any substance to the new allegations, it implies that doubt can be casted on at least part of the basis for Arne Treholt's conviction," commission president Helen Saeter told reporters.

"These are extremely serious accusations that have to be examined and clarified as much for the sake of the accused as for the rule of law in Norway," she added.Sphere: Related Content

Sunday, September 19, 2010

NYPD Antiterror Unit


The Terror Translators
By ALAN FEUER
Published: September 17, 2010

INSPIRE magazine, an English-language journal published by Al Qaeda, included in its summer edition what amounted to a “Friends and Foes” list. There, on Page 4, following the letter from the editor (“We survive through jihad and perish without it”), were pictures of, and quotations from, kindred spirits like Faisal Shahzad, who pleaded guilty in a plot to detonate a car bomb in Times Square, and, perhaps surprisingly, David Letterman, who was praised for recent criticism of former President George W. Bush.

Among the magazine’s “foes” were Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates; Nicolas Sarkozy, the president of France; and King Abdullah II of Jordan. Then there was Mitchell D. Silber, a studious and mild-mannered former financier who grew up in Atlantic Beach, N.Y.

Mr. Silber (“I guess I was flattered in a strange way”) may seem an unlikely choice to occupy that space with a terrorist, a television star, a cabinet secretary, a European head of state and an Arab potentate. He is not, after all, a boldface name. Rather, he is a 40-year-old father with a master’s degree in international affairs from Columbia University who says his main hobby is reading deeply on the Middle East.

What landed Mr. Silber on that list was his leadership of a little-known counterterrorism team deep within the crime-fighting structure of the New York Police Department.

Formally known as the Analytic Unit of the department’s Intelligence Division, the team was created in 2002 as part of the city’s response to the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. It stands as a unique experiment in breaking traditional law-enforcement boundaries, comprising two dozen civilian experts — lawyers, academics, corporate consultants, investment bankers, alumni of the World Bank and the Council on Foreign Relations and even a former employee of the Foreign Ministry of Azerbaijan.

The team serves as the Police Department’s terrorism reference arm: available on demand to explain Islamic law or Pakistani politics to detectives in the field.

“We have found that conducting terrorism investigations is more art than science and requires a breadth of complementary skill sets,” Mr. Silber said during one of several interviews this summer. “Our detectives tend to have a very narrow focus. But the analysts have 360-degree visibility. They focus on the bigger picture, and they sometimes see things detectives don’t see.”

To bolster counterterrorism operations after 9/11, the Police Department expanded its Intelligence Division — run by David Cohen, a 30-year veteran of the C.I.A. — with detectives who had mainly spent their careers chasing street gangs, drug lords and violent Mafiosi. Such trained investigators brought with them specific skills the department thought would translate into the fight against terror: the ability to read a suspect’s manner and the talent for managing secret informants.

What they needed, in turn, were people to help them translate their skills to new terrain, people with a firm cultural grasp of the suspects they were meant to be pursuing. Over the years, a gang detective in the Bronx will probably have developed a radar able to determine at a glance the meaning of a hand gesture or a prison tattoo. But, as one former intelligence detective said of potential Islamic extremists, “when we first started, we didn’t even know they prayed on Fridays.”

Enter the Analytic Unit, which Samuel J. Rascoff, who ran it from 2006 to 2008 and is now a law professor at New York University, described as an attempt to bring “the culturally exotic world of the ivory tower to bear on the gritty problems of counterterrorism as experienced by beat cops and seasoned detectives.”

Consider the time a detective was investigating an Afghan immigrant suspected of involvement in terror activities. The detective found it helpful when an analyst informed him that the United States military had attacked the man’s hometown three months earlier with a drone strike. Sometimes, analysts walk detectives through Google Earth images of Pakistani villages — the mosque is here, the bazaar is there — so the detectives sound more informed and enhance their credibility when dealing with potential covert sources.

“Say a detective is doing surveillance on a cabdriver and he pulls over and goes into a mosque,” Mr. Silber said. “Is this a secret meeting or is it Ramadan and the driver is simply going to pray? The detective is just unlikely to be familiar with that kind of thing, but the analyst can put it in context.”

Mr. Silber’s analysts earn $55,000 to $95,000 a year working daily shifts at their offices in Manhattan and at the Brooklyn Army Terminal, but are available to put things into context around the clock, at the ring of a cellphone. Their assistance can be as complicated as explaining the interlocking network of Afghan tribes or the nuances of the Koran, or as simple as keeping current with New York’s foreign-language newspapers.

As one detective from the Intelligence Division’s Priority Targeting Unit, which focuses on the highest-profile cases, said: “I’m not reading that stuff. I’m reading Sports Illustrated.”

LESS than an hour after a Nissan Pathfinder was found spewing smoke and rigged with a car bomb on West 45th Street on May 1, several members of the Analytic Unit had gathered at their secret office on the West Side of Manhattan trying to assess what, by all accounts, was the most severe terror threat to face the city in years.

For the next 24 hours, as detectives in the field scoured the car for clues, pulled apart the bomb and began tracking down witnesses, their civilian counterparts helped them, by brainstorming leads to be pursued. In which stores, they asked themselves, could the fireworks and propane tanks that had made up the bomb be obtained? And what did that Arab-language sticker on its timing device — a cheap alarm clock — say?

The unit’s linguists monitored jihadist Web sites for useful hints or boastful chatter. Others searched the Internet — sometimes using methods as basic as typing “Times Square car bomb” into Google, but filtering the results through eyes trained to see obscure tidbits. Eventually, they came across a YouTube video posted by the Pakistani Taliban, claiming responsibility for the plot.

Cyber specialists were able to determine that the YouTube account had been set up less than 24 hours before the attack occurred. The video was analyzed by the unit’s Pakistan expert, who knew, for instance, that a leader of the group, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, or T.T.P., had posted videos during the previous month, announcing that commandoes had “penetrated” the United States and were poised to strike.

By 9 p.m. on May 2, a Sunday, the Analytic Unit had prepared an eight-page report for Mr. Cohen, the Police Department’s deputy commissioner for intelligence, suggesting that an “evolving, highly dynamic” terrorist group, T.T.P., was probably behind the failed attack. Officials in Washington announced the same conclusion days later. (Mr. Shahzad eventually acknowledged that the group had trained him for the operation.)

No other municipal police force in the country has a team similar in scope and sophistication to the Analytic Unit. Its specialists speak Urdu, Farsi, Russian, Arabic and Hebrew, and “cover” subjects including South Asia, Somalia, Yemen, Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, Iran and homegrown terrorist groups.

The unit began with five analysts working for a police captain. When Mr. Rascoff, its first civilian leader, was tapped four years ago to enhance the team — quadrupling its size to 20 — he described his mission as finding people who “combined very solid analytic and cultural skills with the ability to make it in a world of cops where the coin of the realm is not whether your degree came from Harvard or Columbia.”

As an Ivy Leaguer himself who once clerked for a Supreme Court justice, Mr. Rascoff understood it would be difficult having “pointy-headed youngsters” interacting with veteran cops and wanted analysts with what he called “a low jerk quotient.”

Mr. Silber, who was hired to run the team in 2008 and has further expanded it to 24 analysts, spent nine years in the financial world with the Carson Group and Evolution Capital, but left because, as he put it, 9/11 made him want “to get into the fight.” At Columbia’s School of International and Public Affairs, he specialized in Saudi Arabia’s laws regulating the flow of terrorist money. “I went from corporate finance to terrorist finance,” he said.

The analysts he has brought in are mostly in their 20s and 30s and have worked at the United Nations, the State Department, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the New America Foundation, a research group in Washington.

“We come into this with a couple of years’ experience in a region, or with a law degree or master’s degree,” said one analyst, Jennifer, who, like most, spoke on the condition that her last name not be used, for security reasons. “We’re not like the street cops. But it’s the blending of those worlds that’s the best part of the job.”

Mr. Rascoff said this “blending” was his goal. Analysts sometimes accompany detectives into the field, where they offer what Sgt. Steven Hines called “another set of eyes.” Those eyes are often attuned to what police eyes may not see: a poster in Pashto for a local demonstration against drone strikes; or a collection box on a deli counter seeking spare change for a charity suspected of having terrorist ties.

Mr. Rascoff said the working relationship between the civilian and sworn counterterrorism officials in New York was better than the parallel relationships in the Federal Bureau of Investigation because federal agents, unlike the local detectives, were often as highly educated as the analysts they work with.

“F.B.I. agents sometimes look at their analysts and say, ‘So, basically, we do the same job, but I carry a gun and kick down doors while you sit at your desk all day,’ ” said Mr. Rascoff, who has been working in intelligence since 2003, when he was a consultant to L. Paul Bremer, the special envoy to Iraq.

In the C.I.A., Mr. Rascoff added, the relationship between operatives and analysts is often the chilly one between “an author of cables and a reader of cables.”

In the Police Department, he said, there is an “educational, experiential but not intellectual” gulf that can, paradoxically, bring the sides together.

“While it’s sometimes hard to harness those conflicting energies,” Mr. Rascoff said, “when it succeeds, it succeeds wildly.”

The police officers agree, noting that academics versed in the culture of the region are able to seize upon investigative subtleties that they themselves might miss.

“An analyst once pointed out an individual on the street I thought was Afghan, but was actually Pakistani,” said the detective from the Priority Targeting Unit. “She knew because of the henna in his beard, the lack of a mustache and the pants length.

“They’re from a different world,” he added. “They’re educated; I’m not. My education is locking up bad guys.”

Another detective, sounding a bit like a Woody Allen character, put it this way: “Whenever I have problems, I call my analyst.”

THE history of domestic intelligence in the United States has, to say the least, a checkered record. From Cointelpro, a series of F.B.I. counterintelligence programs, to the New York Police Department’s own spying at the Republican National Convention in 2004, there are enough instances of the authorities’ inappropriately surveilling their own citizens to make even the firmest law-and-order advocate wince.

Christopher Dunn, a lawyer for the New York Civil Liberties Union who has criticized the Police Department’s surveillance of political groups, expressed some concern about the arrangement.

“This is yet another step toward the N.Y.P.D. being able to operate entirely outside of the larger law-enforcement community,” he said. “This type of lone-wolf approach, which we saw during the convention, is a recipe for abuse, or worse.”

But if civilian analysts help bring intellectual rigor to terrorism investigations, if the police “are more sophisticated and less stereotypical in their work,” Mr. Dunn added, “that’s all to the good.”

Investigations undertaken by the Analytic Unit, like those of the Intelligence Division over all, are governed by legal controls put in place in 1985 as a result of a 1971 class-action lawsuit, Handschu v. Special Services Division, that concerned harassment of political groups by the department’s so-called Red Squad.

Mr. Silber argued that, by nature, a team of academics trained in Islamic law and mores mitigated abuse. “The unit helps detectives dealing with sources and suspects to be more sophisticated,” he said, “and to develop a nuanced understanding of doctrines, ideology and historical and cultural references.”

NEW YORK seems an ideal place to practice this theory of intellectual investigation, and the unit has managed over the years to attract people who have worked in the Washington bureaucracy and seem to prefer the city.

“We had people leaving jobs with the C.I.A. and military intelligence to come work for us,” Mr. Rascoff said. “Why were they doing that? Part of it was the noir quality of being within the confines of an institution like the N.Y.P.D. There is an emotional, even an aesthetic, immediacy in being in New York rather than sitting in a cubicle in some fluorescent-lit office in Langley.”

To Mr. Silber, the attraction is the opportunity to work at street level on terrorism cases.

This year, analysts used their knowledge of cultural and political trends in Somalia to help prepare an undercover officer in his dealings with two New Jersey men, Mohamed Mahmood Alessa and Carlos Eduardo Almonte, arrested in June just before they traveled to Somalia to join Al Shabab, a group that claims kinship with Al Qaeda. Last year, an analyst provided unique advice to detectives investigating Najibullah Zazi, an Afghan immigrant who has pleaded guilty in a plot to detonate a bomb on the subway. The analyst, who served in Afghanistan with the elite Army Rangers, drew upon his knowledge of local tribes in Waziristan to create a flow chart of the numerous suspects in the Zazi case, highlighting those that shared hometowns and family affiliations.

The Zazi case, Mr. Silber said, was the largest surveillance effort the Police Department ever mounted in a terrorism investigation, and the unit’s analysts worked around the clock at covert locations, debriefing detectives as they came in off the street, then analyzing and sharing the information with the next shift before it went into the field.

“We’re very much in the weeds of investigations,” Mr. Silber said. “We’re looking at the threat to New York, in New York, so there’s a feeling of grittiness in a sense.”

He said that working in Washington, where the focus is often on events and people thousands of miles away, can feel “a little antiseptic.”

“Here we’re all in the same domain — the suspects and the analysts,” he said. “You might hear that yesterday, at 3 o’clock, people gathered at this street corner or in this cafe. We’re all in the same fishbowl together. It makes for an odd, exciting dynamic.”Sphere: Related Content

Further Reporting on the Censorship Idiocy


U.S. Secrets in Plain Sight in Censored Book’s Reprint
By SCOTT SHANE
Published: September 17, 2010
The Pentagon blacked out hundreds of supposed secrets in a new, censored edition of an Afghan war memoir.
MORE . . .Sphere: Related Content

Saturday, September 18, 2010

Desperately Trying to Silence Tony Shaffer (unsuccessfully)

Operation Silence Shaffer | Harper's Magazine
September 14, 2010

By Scott Horton

A fascinating new chapter in the story of the intelligence community’s obsessive secrecy is the Pentagon’s duel with St Martin’s Press over Lieutenant Colonel Anthony Shaffer’s book, Operation Dark Heart. Chris McGreal gives a run-down in The Guardian:

The US defence department is scrambling to dispose of what threatens to be a highly embarrassing exposé by the former intelligence officer of secret operations in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and of how the US military top brass missed the opportunity to win the war against the Taliban. The department of defence is in talks with St Martin’s Press to purchase the entire first print run on the grounds of national security. The publisher is content to sell the books but the two sides are in a grinding dispute over what should appear in a censored version and when it should be released.

Now St Martin’s Press says it will put the partly redacted manuscript on sale next week whether or not the defence department likes it—and there doesn’t appear much the authorities can do. The army had cleared the book by Lieutenant Colonel Shaffer, about “black ops” in the Afghan war when he was based at Bagram in 2003, for publication after relatively minor changes. But when the intelligence services and defence department officials saw it they were alarmed.

This account leaves a key player in the shadows. JSOC, the Joint Special Operations Command, has become a power unto itself within the Pentagon. In essence, Shaffer’s book went through the regular review and clearance process, was approved for publication, and then JSOC had a temper tantrum. The thrust of their objection was simple: “Our people don’t talk about JSOC operations, period.” In their view, special forces officers are subject to a code of silence. This view would seem to clash with the U.S. Constitution, and the notion of a duty to be silent also seems odd in a Pentagon headed by Robert Gates, who built his Washington comeback on a tell-all bestseller, From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider’s Story.

According to an individual involved in negotiations between St Martin’s and the Pentagon, the publishers plan to have the book in bookstores around the country within a fortnight. St Martin’s is proposing to black out all passages about which the Pentagon raised questions—a process that of course reveals the Pentagon’s concerns to the reader. The Pentagon has replied that it would then insist on striking whole paragraphs, even where most of the text raises no questions of sensitivity. The publisher and author believe that many of the questions raised at this late stage have no bona fide basis, and they will insist on review of claims and subsequent disclosure if their challenge is sustained. This mirrors the process following Matthew Alexander’s book How to Break a Terrorist, where extensive censorship efforts by the Pentagon also failed when put to the test before a classifications review board.

Throughout the war on terror, JSOC has succeeded in keeping the wraps on its black ops in a way the CIA has not. That’s a key reason why Colonel Shaffer’s book is so eagerly anticipated. Nothing sells a book like an effort to suppress it. The Pentagon’s belated and ham-handed efforts to silence Colonel Shaffer’s book may be a blessing in disguise for St Martin’s Press.Sphere: Related Content

Russia's Security State IS the New Nobility

From Steven Aftergood's "Project on Government Secrecy" . . .

THE NEW NOBILITY: RUSSIA'S SECURITY STATE

"The Soviet police state tried to control every citizen in the country. The new, more sophisticated Russian [security] system is far more selective than its Soviet-era counterpart; it targets only those individuals who have political ambitions or strong public views." That's what Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan discover in "The New Nobility," their impressive new book on the resurgence of Russia's security services in the post-Cold War era.

Soldatov and Borogan, Russian journalists who have produced some of the boldest reporting on the subject over the past decade, are also the creators and editors of Agentura.ru, a pioneering web site devoted to public interest research on Russian intelligence policy and related matters.

In "The New Nobility," they present many of the decisive episodes in the recent history of the FSB, the primary Russian security service, from the 2002 Moscow theater siege, to the 2004 Beslan school massacre, the war in Chechnya, and more. Overall they present a picture of a security service of increasing power and influence, uneven competence -- but virtually no accountability to parliament or the public.

"The Soviet KGB was all-powerful," Soldatov and Borogan write, "but it was also under the control of the political structure: The Communist Party presided over every KGB section, department, and division. In contrast, the FSB is a remarkably independent entity, free of party control and parliamentary oversight...."

The book is based on the authors' original reporting, which itself is a demonstration of unusual courage and commitment. A reader soon loses track of the number of times their computers are seized by authorities, how often their papers' web servers are confiscated, and how many times they are summoned for interrogation or even charged with crimes based on their reporting. Yet they persist.

Their book is full of remarkable observations. For example:

* In 2006, the FSB organized a competition "for the best literary and artistic works about state security operatives."

* The history of Moscow's Lefortovo prison has never been documented. "Even the prison's design [in the shape of the letter K] remains a mystery."

* The Russian security services in Chechnya have made extensive use of the tactic known as "counter-capture," which involves seizing the relatives of suspected terrorists in order to induce them to surrender.

Fundamentally, the authors contend, Russia's FSB has gone astray by acting as an agent of state authority instead of representing the rule of law. "In today's Russia,... the security services appear to have concluded that their interests, and those of the state they are guarding, remain above the law." An American reader may ponder the similarities and differences presented by U.S. security services.

"The New Nobility: The Restoration of Russia's Security State and the Enduring Legacy of the KGB" by Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan is being published this month by Public Affairs Books.

"To those following the increasingly hostile environment for journalists in Russia, Soldatov's career is a curiosity," according to an internal profile of him prepared by the DNI Open Source Center in 2008. "Despite being questioned and charged by the FSB on several occasions, Soldatov has continued to cover hot-button issues such as corruption, security service defectors, and the increasing role of the special services in limiting free speech in Russia."

The New York Times featured Agentura.ru in "A Web Site That Came in From the Cold to Unveil Russian Secrets" by Sally McGrane, December 14, 2000.

The New York Times has also published Above the Law, a continuing series of stories by Clifford J. Levy on "corruption and abuse of power in Russia two decades after the end of Communism."Sphere: Related Content

Wednesday, September 15, 2010

Reassuring that Some Things Never Change


Analysis: Spycraft, Contacts Still Key in Espionage World

By Peter Apps, Political Risk Correspondent

LONDON | Wed Sep 15, 2010 7:36am EDT

(Reuters) - Smartphones and e-mail might be revolutionizing espionage, but old-style personal spycraft is as important as ever when it comes to protecting -- or breaking -- state and corporate secrets.

The rise of "state capitalist" economies that may use government intelligence agencies to win commercial advantage for official-linked companies could pose a growing threat to their Western corporate rivals, experts say.

China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and India either have or are all pushing for security agency access to encrypted BlackBerry smart phones, which they say they need to monitor dangerous militants.

But while the skills of electronic snooping are important, where information ends up can come down just as much to private deals put together in anonymous offices by spy chiefs, companies and powerful individuals.

"In somewhere like the UAE, if I was the CIA or MI6 station chief I might go to the head of local intelligence and ask for help in following or monitoring someone," said Fred Burton, a former U.S. counterterrorism agent now vice president for U.S. political risk consultancy Stratfor.

"If the Chinese station chief comes to him and makes a similar request, you want to be in a position where he is going to tip you off about it. A lot comes down to these personal relationships. Whoever has the best liaison relationship obtains the information."

What technology has revolutionized, of course, is how much can be stolen. Electronic hacking can lift truckloads of documents with barely a trace. But older tradecraft continues.

In some countries, hotel rooms are bugged and some local staff -- particularly cleaners and drivers -- may be being paid extra to keep an eye on their employers.

Local intelligence agencies -- from small sub-Saharan African countries to global powers -- may also have particularly close relationships with other powers. Many are legacies of the big power's Cold War practice of cultivating local proxies.

SHADOWY RELATIONSHIPS

How much support Western corporates received from their national intelligence services is similarly opaque -- but once again, personal contacts look likely to be key. Some firms have a reputation for being particularly well-connected.

Officials from Britain's MI6 spy agency and Foreign Office, for example, have previously gone on to work for U.K. firms such as energy giant BP after leaving public service.

The MI6 website publicly acknowledges that the service acts in the interests of the economic well-being of the U.K., as well as on national security, defense and crime.

In more opaque emerging economies, it is generally accepted that intelligence and security officials may sell information or security access to the private sector for personal gain.

In Western economies, that is much less widespread -- but Burton says it is far from unheard of.

"People using intelligence resources for their own private ends?" he said. "I'd love to say it doesn't happen. Doing someone a favor, maybe getting yourself a nice position on a board when you go into the private sector? It happens. Even in the United States."

Analysts say help provided by Western intelligence officers to personal contacts in companies more often will involve giving additional protective advice or tipoffs to firms that might be targeted by criminals or foreign intelligence agencies, rather than using government spy assets to snoop on rivals.

Alastair Newton, who worked for Britain's foreign office on both cyberwarfare and trade and is now senior political analyst for Japanese bank Nomura, says maintaining a good relationship with your embassy and government has its advantages.

"If you're on a trip to Ruritania organized by UK Trade and Industry (department) and you get a briefing from the High Commissioner on business opportunities, you won't ask exactly where he got his information from," he says -- deliberately choosing an imaginary country.

"You just assume he knows what he's talking about."Sphere: Related Content

Thursday, August 26, 2010

Austro-Hungarian Empire Framework for Today


WORLD FOCUS: Second oldest profession
FRANK SHATZ
POSTED: August 26, 2010

While I was doing research for my recent column in the Lake Placid News and The Virginia Gazette about the Russian spy ring, whose members lived in “deep cover” across the United States, and were instructed to “embed themselves, in American society, and infiltrate U. S. policy making circles,” the name of Col. Alfred Redl repeatedly came up.


Redl was once one of the most powerful and ruthless counter-intelligence chiefs of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. At the same time, he was himself Czarist Russia’s leading spy. Before World War I, he sold to the Russians, Plan III, the entire Austrian invasion plan for Serbia, its mobilization plans and the description of Austria’s fortifications. He also sold out to the Russians many Austrian agents, some of them within the Russian Imperial Staff.


He conducted his spy activities on behalf of Russia from 1903 to 1913. Even after having been rotated out from the post of counter-intelligence chief, and made Chief of Staff of the Austro-Hungarian Imperial Army stationed in the Czech lands, he continued to deliver secret messages to his paymasters in Russia.


On May 25, 1913, Col. Redl, was found shot to death in a Vienna hotel room, an apparent suicide. An elaborate effort was made by the government of Emperor Franz-Joseph to cover up the reason for the suicide. The cover-up may have succeeded, if not for the perseverance of a young reporter.


I learned about the details while interviewing Egon Ervin Kisch, by than a famous globe-trotting journalist whose reports have been published in newspapers across Europe.


Kisch recalled that while working as a young reporter for the Prager Loyd, the leading German language newspaper in Prague, he read the short official notice, announcing the death of Col. Redl, but paid scant attention to it.


All this changed, however, when he learned why the star player of his football team, who was a locksmiths by trade, didn’t show up at the Sunday afternoon game He justified his absence by explaining that he was summoned to the headquarters of the military counter-intelligence service, and pressed into service to open the locks in Col. Redl’s luxurious Prague apartment. “The officers conducting the search were astonished at what they found and talked about high treason,” the locksmith revealed. His curiosity spiked, Kisch sprung into action.


Not unlike Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward during the Watergate scandal, Kisch also used confidential sources to gain information, and the “Redl Affair” slowly unraveled.


It was revealed that Czarist Russian agents caught Redl, a homosexual, in a compromising position. They blackmailed him and provided generous payments to finance his lavish lifestyle.


After he left the counter-intelligence service, Redl was not aware that a new system was put into place that checked suspicious mail. He received payments from the Russians through poste restante mail sent to the main post office, in Vienna.


When on May 25, 1913, Redl appeared at the post office to pick up the mail posted to a cover name, he was observed by two police detectives assigned to monitor the mail. Redl left in a taxi, and was shadowed. The driver of the taxi noticed that Redl opened the letter, stuffed with banknotes, with a pen-knife. The detectives found the knife, left inadvertently, on the upholstered seat.


In the lobby of hotel “Klomser,” one of the detectives approached Redl, holding the silver pen-knife, and asked whether he had lost it. Redl, readily admitted ownership. Then his face turned pale. As an experienced former intelligence chief, he realized immediately that he had made a fatal mistake.


According to Kisch, Redl’s interrogation was conducted in accordance with the rules of “chivalry” customary among officers of the Austro-Hungarian Imperial Army. He made a detailed confession, and was spared a humiliating public trial. He was escorted back to his hotel, was given a pistol and was allowed to commit suicide.


It is not clear what harm the members of the Russian spy ring would have caused if they would have not been unmasked. Redl, certainly did a lot of harm. Historians tend to consider him one of history’s greatest traitors. His actions were responsible for the death of half a million of his countrymen.



Frank Shatz lives in Williamsburg, Va. and Lake Placid. His column was reprinted with permission from The Virginia Gazette.Sphere: Related Content

Monday, August 9, 2010

Cover for Status Can Be Fun!


Busted Russian Spy Wants Old Life Back

By RICHARD BOUDREAUX | WSJ

MOSCOW—He operated under cover with a single false name on two continents for 34 years, through part of the Cold War and beyond. He served spymasters in Moscow who reward such steel-jawed endurance with quiet adulation.

In Peru he was Juan Lazaro the karate black belt, the news photographer, the guy who married the star TV reporter. After the couple moved to New York, he became Juan Lazaro Ph.D. and adjunct professor of political science. At home in suburban Yonkers, he was the doting father of Juan Lazaro Jr., a talented young pianist.

No one suspected until he was arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, unmasked as Mikhail Vasenkov and sent home in the much-publicized U.S.-Russia spy swap a month ago.

Prime Minister Vladimir Putin feted the 10 deported agents, including femme fatale Anna Chapman, led them in patriotic Soviet songs and promised them decent jobs and a "bright life" in the motherland.

But the senior spy among them says no thanks. In a plot twist rare in the annals of espionage, he wants his Juan Lazaro fake identity back.

There's only one problem. The real Juan Lazaro died 63 years ago in Uruguay at age 3, a relative says. The spy used the dead toddler's birth certificate to build a persona.

From a Moscow apartment where Russia's government has him lodged out of public view, the veteran agent has sent word that he and his wife, deported together in the spy swap and separated from their 17-year-old son, want to use their Peruvian passports to return to Peru in the coming weeks and rebuild their lives as the Lazaros.

"He doesn't want to stay in Russia," says his American lawyer, Genesis Peduto, who talks to him on the phone.

"He says he's Juan Lazaro and he's not from Russia and doesn't speak Russian. He wants to be where his wife is going, to her native country, where it will be easier for Juan Jr. to visit" from New York. "His family comes first."

Ms. Peduto says she has no knowledge of the dead Juan Lazaro and won't comment. Her client declines to be interviewed. Russia's Foreign Intelligence Service refuses to comment on any of the 10 deported agents.

The spy ring puzzled Americans and tested U.S.-Russian relations. It was an odd group: They included four couples with children living suburban lives while secretly sending radiograms, exchanging bags of cash in "brush passes" and delivering messages in invisible ink.

They seemed to be looking in hidden places for data that were largely available on the Internet. Watched for a decade by the FBI, they managed to obtain no classified data, U.S. officials say.

The Juan Lazaro story is a peculiar footnote. The spy's early life remains a mystery. But his paper trail through Spain, Uruguay, Peru and New York offers a glimpse into the world of Moscow's "illegals," or deep-cover agents, and its Hispanic pipeline to America. In that realm of forgery, identity theft and deception within families, it remains unclear whether the spy's wife and collaborator, Vicky Pelaez, even knew of his other name.

Soviet and Russian deep-cover agents have spent years at a time in the U.S. since early in the Cold War, operating without diplomatic cover or immunity from prosecution. Many lived in Peru during the country's rule by Moscow-friendly military officers in the 1970s, building fake identities before infiltrating the U.S., former KGB officials say.

Successful illegals return to waiting families, Kremlin rewards and prior Russian identities.The Lazaro case appears to be that of a loyal but ineffectual agent who operated so long under cover that he became his fictional self—a make-believe Latino who went native.

"He ceased being Russian, it seems, and began thinking of himself as Juan Lazaro," says Boris Volodarsky, a former Soviet intelligence officer who works in London as an independent analyst.

The persona took shape on March 13, 1976, as a man with a droopy mustache flew from Madrid to Lima, Peru, on a Uruguayan passport in the name of Juan Jose Lazaro Fuentes.

He bore a letter on a Spanish tobacco company's stationery saying he had been hired for a market survey in Peru, according to a file kept by the Peruvian Interior Ministry on his citizenship application.

Two years later, he submitted copies of the passport and a 1943 Uruguayan birth certificate with a letter asking Peru's military dictator to make him a citizen of "the most humanist country" in Latin America. The letter, short on detail, said he lived in Uruguay until age 7, then left to study and work in Spain.

Mr. Lazaro spoke Spanish with a Slavic accent but "never talked about his past," recalls Delfina Prieto, a journalist who worked with him in Peru. After a cursory background check, Peru gave him citizenship in 1979.

In 1983, he married Ms. Pelaez. Two years later they moved to New York with her son from a previous relationship. She became a columnist for El Diario, New York's Spanish-language daily, got U.S. citizenship and gave birth to Juan Jr. At home they spoke Spanish. Juan Sr., a legal U.S. resident, earned a doctorate in political science at the New School.

"I didn't detect anything odd," says Thomas Halper, who hired him to teach at Baruch College, of the City University of New York. "His preoccupation was with his son. He seemed so dedicated to his son, so proud of him."

His story unraveled after the couple's June 27 arrest.

The FBI reported a bugged conversation in the Lazaros' Yonkers home in which Mr. Lazaro said his family moved to Siberia about the time he was born.

The FBI alleged that the couple traveled from New York to South America several times over the past decade to receive cash from Russian operatives and deliver messages, although it recorded Mr. Lazaro complaining, "They say my information is of no value."

He, his wife and the eight others pleaded guilty as part of the spy-swap deal. Defense lawyers say he gave the name Russian officials told him to give—Vasenkov—reading it in court from notes.

And who is Vasenkov? Former KGB officials say that name may be no more genuine than Lazaro is. A search of Russian directories and websites turns up no Vasenkov fitting the profile. "The guy may have had several names," says Oleg Kalugin, a former general who once ran KGB operations in the U.S.

Whatever his real name, the spy apparently forged that tobacco company assignment letter. Altadis SA, the company's current owner in Madrid, says it found no record of a Juan Lazaro in its files.

The spy left one trace of his Lazaro identity in Spain: a brief stay on a three-month visa in early 1976 on his way to Peru, according to stamps in his Uruguayan passport.

Peru is investigating whether he committed fraud to obtain citizenship. Uruguayan officials aiding the probe say anyone with knowledge of the real Juan Lazaro's identity could have appropriated his birth record.

That's apparently what happened in this case. In Uruguay, Elida Panizza Fuentes told the Journal that Juan Lazaro was her half-brother. She says he died of respiratory failure in 1947.

Eva Irene Fuentes is listed as the child's mother on the birth certificate used by the spy. A widow, she remarried and gave birth to Ms. Panizza in 1948. Before her death, the mother told Ms. Panizza the story of the sickly boy the family remembered as "Juancito."

"She couldn't help crying whenever she spoke of the child," Ms. Panizza says. She says it saddened her to learn a spy had taken his identity. "How could they do something like that?"

Ms. Pelaez asked her own pointed question. She confronted her husband in a holding cell as they awaited deportation and, according two lawyers present, demanded: "What's your name? Your real name."

Carlos Moreno, her lawyer, says her husband laughed and replied, "My name is Juan Lazaro." The lawyer said the two are standing by each other and the Lazaro name. He added: "My guess is she didn't know him as anyone else."

—Robert Kozak and Sophie Kevany in Lima, Peru; Santiago Perez in Madrid; Diego Fischer in Montevideo, Uruguay; and Jonnelle Marte in Yonkers, New York, contributed to this article.

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703309704575413600124475346.html?mod=WSJ_hps_InDepthCarousel_2#dummySphere: Related Content

Sunday, August 8, 2010

Obama Justice Contaminates UK MoD


Britain's special forces are at the centre of a criminal investigation following allegations soldiers from a covert unit tortured and abused suspected insurgents in Iraq.

By Sean Rayment, Defence Correspondent
Published: 9:00PM BST 07 Aug 2010

Hundreds of members of the SAS, military interrogators and agent handlers who served with Task Force Black, a counter terrorist organisation that operated in Iraq during the insurgency, are to be questioned as part of a major inquiry into alleged breaches of the Geneva Convention.

The investigation is examining claims that British soldiers used death threats, intimidation and physical violence, as well as sleep, food and water deprivation to obtain intelligence from suspects.

The Sunday Telegraph has learnt that at least six military interrogators who worked closely with members of the task force have already been interviewed under caution by the special investigation branch of the Royal Military Police.

However, senior defence sources have strongly criticised the inquiry, claiming that it is a "witch hunt" motivated by "political correctness". It is understood that the allegations include a soldier "hitting" a suspect on the arm with a rolled up piece of A4 paper.

Those questioned under caution include a captain, as well as senior and junior non-commissioned officers. All of the soldiers deny the charges.

Dozens more interrogators are expected to be interviewed in the coming months as investigators examine hundreds of hours of videotaped interrogations.

The inquiry was launched following allegations that British troops systematically abused hundreds of Iraqis during the war. The probe is being led by the Iraq Historic Allegations Team, which was established to investigate claims of abuse by soldiers. The inquiry has already cost £6 million.

One senior defence source, who has seen video recordings of interrogations supposedly revealing abuse by British interrogators, described the allegations as "laughable" and said they were "entirely without foundation".

The source said: "When I saw the videos of the alleged abuse – my reaction was 'you've got to be joking'. I was dumbfounded. The military police just looked embarrassed."

One interrogator is accused of using death threats when he tells a suspected killer of British soldiers: "If I had my way, you would be taken outside and shot."

Another soldier stands accused of mental torture after he reduced a prisoner to tears when he said: "If you don't co-operate with us, it will be years before you see your children."

The source added: "The interrogators were dealing with violent terrorists responsible for the deaths of British soldiers. They were trying to extract intelligence to save the lives of other soldiers. Those who were compliant were offered the chance of working as agents for the British. This is what interrogators do.

"If we are now going to question their actions then we shouldn't have interrogators. We were fighting a war, they have done nothing wrong. The situation is laughable. Whole sections of special forces are grinding to a halt because someone is accused of hitting a terrorist suspect with a piece of A4 paper."

The interrogators face trial by court martial and a possible prison sentence if the allegations against them are upheld.

Senior officers do not deny that some British troops committed war crimes in Iraq but deny that the abuse was systematic.

Military interrogators and agent handlers are recruited from all three services and are trained by the Defence Human Intelligence Unit.

The troops worked closely with the SAS, especially in Baghdad, where Task Force Black was praised by General David Petraeus for the impact the unit had.

The SAS were responsible for arresting and killing hundreds of insurgents, while working alongside their US equivalent Delta Force. Many of the soldiers now facing investigation took part in "hard knock" operations, where force is used to seize and subdue a suspect.

Senior defence sources now fear that the military police will begin to focus on the activity of troops operating in Afghanistan.

In a separate investigation, a soldier serving with the Special Forces Support Group in Afghanistan has been accused of assaulting a suspected Taliban gunmen believed to have been involved in an attack on a British base in Sangin.

In a follow-up operation, two Afghan men were seen behaving suspiciously and were ordered to stop.

One drew a weapon and was shot and injured while the other suspect was taken prisoner. He was allegedly punched to the ground when he tried to escape and later complained that he was beaten up by the soldier.

A report of the incident was passed to the Royal Military Police and the soldier was removed from operational duty in Helmand, where sources indicate he was a vital part of an intelligence gathering team. The soldier has effectively been placed on "gardening leave" until the investigation is complete but he is now understood to be considering his future in the Army.

A Ministry of Defence spokesperson said: "An investigation is under way into allegations of detainee abuse. It would be inappropriate to comment further at this time."

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/onthefrontline/7931821/Special-forces-under-investigation-for-abuse-of-Iraqi-prisoners.htmlSphere: Related Content